1. Dissertation Project
    • “Variation in Public Responses to Violence against Civilians”
  2. Publications
    • Levy, Gabriella. “Evaluations of Violence at the Polls: Civilian Victimization and Support for Perpetrators After War.” Journal of Politics, Forthcoming.
      • Following armed conflict, voters must often evaluate candidates who have allegedly committed violence against civilians. What kinds of alleged perpetrators are voters more willing to support and why? I argue that people appraise candidates’ alleged involvement in violence by considering how their participation reflects competence and integrity. This article relies on the Theory of Dyadic Morality to build a framework for civilian judgements about perpetrator integrity. The article also argues that the most salient form of competence in the context of civilian targeting is security competence. A conjoint survey in Colombia featuring hypothetical former combatants running for office indicates, in line with my argument, that attributes associated with integrity affect respondent preferences. Respondents are more supportive of candidates who violate less strict norms, have less agency, and have less clear causal links to the victims. More unexpectedly, attributes associated with security competence are less important than broader indicators of competence.
      • Accepted Manuscript
      • Pre-Analysis Plan
      • Replication Files
      • Online Appendix
  3. Working Papers and Papers Under Review
    • Levy, Gabriella, Rebecca Dudley, Chong Chen, and David Siegel. “Diplomatic Signals and the Strategic Use of Terrorism in Civil Wars.”  
      • How does third-party support, both diplomatic and material, affect rebel violence against civilians in civil wars? We argue via a game-theoretic model that diplomatic support prompts prospective shifts in rebel tactics, from civilian to military targets, in anticipation of material support. Material support alters the cost structure of attacks, leading to the same tactical shift. We empirically test the model’s implications using an original dataset of UN resolutions about countries in civil wars. Supporting our theory, we find that material interventions are generally correlated with decreased rebel reliance on violence against civilians, though not all kinds of intervention have the same effect. The effect of UN resolutions on civilian violence, while negative as predicted, does not reach statistical significance; however, we find that its effect may be conditional on state behavior in a way consistent with our formal model.
      • Draft
    • Levy, Gabriella. “Violence Against Civilians and Public Support for Armed Groups: The Moderating Role of Governance and Ideology.”
      • Why do people support armed groups that engage in violence against civilians? Existing studies tend to focus on variation in violence or in the beliefs of individuals, leaving substantial sources of heterogeneity unaddressed. I argue that the context in which abuse occurs also matters. Specifically, the determinants of support for an armed group include not only the violence it perpetrates but also the governance it provides, the ideology it promotes, and the violence committed by opposing or associated armed groups. Ideological similarity with and effective governance from a perpetrator group can alleviate the negative effect of violence on public support for the perpetrator. Using data from LAPOP’s Colombia surveys, I find that individuals’ responses to victimization by both the state and guerrillas depend on whether the state provides security from crime as well as whether the individuals are ideologically aligned with the state. These results suggest that a more complete theory of why people support armed groups which abuse civilians requires an understanding of elements of conflict other than violence.
      • Draft
    • Levy, Gabriella. “Perpetrator Identity and Public Responses to Civilian Victimization.”
      • How does perpetrator identity shape the ways that people respond to civilian victimization? I argue that people assess violence by their preferred armed actors as less morally wrong and less deserving of harsh punishment than violence committed by armed groups they dislike. I suggest that three possible mechanisms may explain why: perpetrator identity may shape beliefs about the causes of the violence, i.e. whether it is militarily necessary; the consequences of the violence, i.e. whether it harms a lot of people; or the attribution of responsibility for the violence, i.e. whether the armed group as a whole bears responsibility. To test this argument, I utilize an online survey experiment in Colombia with 1,500 respondents in which individuals read a news story about an allegation of violence against civilians perpetrated by either the state or guerrillas. The results suggest that judgements of appropriate punishment are shaped by perpetrator identity, but not evaluations of moral wrongfulness. Furthermore, people justify reduced punishments for their favored armed groups by characterizing the violence as less severe and less systematic but not as less necessary. These findings provide insight into the ways in which armed group and transitional justice institution messaging may shape perceptions of violence against civilians.
      • Pre-Analysis Plan
      • Draft
    • Levy, Gabriella and Mateo Villamizar Chaparro. “The Electoral Effects of Targeted Post-Conflict Political Violence.”
      • What are the effects of violence against civic leaders and ex-combatants on electoral outcomes in unstable contexts emerging from conflict? Such individuals have been targeted in a range of countries, including Colombia and Afghanistan. Yet, existing research on wartime and electoral violence has rarely explored the killings of these non-combatants, who are neither regular people nor powerful politicians. Thus, we examine the relationship between 1) the deaths of social leaders and demobilized ex-combatants in Colombia following the 2016 peace agreement and 2) Colombian political participation and vote choice in 2018 and 2019 elections. Methodologically, we use a series of municipal level estimations followed by individual level regressions using DANE survey data from the Colombian government. Our results indicate that social leader and ex-combatant assassinations each reduce political engagement as well as support for the hawkish candidate. We also provide suggestive evidence that the assassinations not only reduce citizens’ perceptions of their personal security but also increase their belief in the value of violence and depress their satisfaction with the state of democracy in their country. These results suggest that, through their impact on electoral participation, vote choice, and public attitudes, the assassinations may have countervailing effects on national stability.
      • Draft
    • Denny, Elaine, David Dow, Gabriella Levy, and Mateo Villamizar Chaparro. “Extortion and Civic Engagement Among Guatemalan Deportees.”
      • How does extortion experienced during the migration journey affect the civic engagement of deported migrants returned to their home country?  More broadly, how does extortion affect political participation? We know very little about either the political behavior of returnees or about how coercive economic shocks experienced during migration affect subsequent levels of political participation. Furthermore, existing literature on how victimization affects political participation is inconclusive, particularly when combined with existing work on economic insecurity. Studying deported migrants and the quasi-random experience of extortion enables us to address the endogeneity that often confounds these analyses. This approach allows us to isolate the impact of extortion on political action from potentially confounding factors related to local security or corruption. Using a novel dataset from Guatemalan migrants returned to Guatemala by the U.S. government, we find that extortion has a direct, positive relationship with multiple forms of civic action, and that, at least in this context, the mobilizing effects of economic hardship outweigh the potentially demobilizing effects of fear of crime.
  4. Works in Progress
    • Dow, David, Gabriella Levy, Diego Romero, Juan Fernando Tellez. “Vigilantism and Procedural Justice: Evidence from Guatemala”
    • Denny, Elaine, David Dow, Gabriella Levy, Wayne Pitts, Diego Romero, Juan Tellez, Mateo Villamizar Chaparro, Erik Wibbels, Panela Zabala. “The Human Impact of Deportation: Resettlement and Remigration”
    • De Bruin, Erica, Gabriella Levy, Livia Schubiger. “Attitudes Toward Protests and State Repression: The Role of Citizenship Norms”
  5. Field and Policy Work
    • Colombia (in preparation): virtual elite interviews with civil society leaders
    • Guatemala (2019-2020): DevLab@Duke longitudinal survey of individuals repatriated from the United States to Guatemala; short-term consultancy with the World Bank to produce an article
    • Guatemala (2019): DevLab@Duke endline survey for a U.S. Department of State community policing project (MPP) intended to improve police-citizen relations, increase inter-police collaboration, and reduce crime
    • Argentina (2016): archival research concerning the visit of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to Argentina in 1979
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